Saša Leković (2021)

Saša Leković (2021)

July 4, 2021 disabled comments

Sasa Lekovic (Source media.ba)

Saša Leković is a Croatian freelance investigative journalist, trainer and media advisor. Born in 1959, he used to work as journalist and editor in Croatian media. Since 2003 he has been working as a freelance investigative reporter, lecturer and trainer in Southeastern European countries as well as director of the Investigative Reporting Center (IJC) in Croatia. As licensed investigative reporting trainer and lecturer he has worked with a hundreds of journalists and journalism students, not only in South East Europe, also in Armenia, Bangladesh, Israel/ Palestine, Nigeria… From 2015 to 2018 he was a president of the Croatian Journalists Association. Since 2005 he is SEEMO member and advisor to SEEMO Secretary General.

1. As a long year investigative journalist how you see the relation between journalists and whistleblowers ?

Whistleblowers are important allies of journalists without whom the most important secrets that protect “bad guys” would remain undiscovered.

2. Are the whisleblowers today more in public focus than 20 or 30 year ago ?

Today, it is harder to keep secrets and whistleblowers are generally more protected but often still do not get enough support given how much they help society.

3. Speaking about your country, are state institutions, police and courts protecting whistleblowers in Croatia?

Two years ago, a law was passed in Croatia that protects whistleblowers, but the number of whistleblowers has not increased because potential whistleblowers do not feel safe given the bad experiences of whistleblowers in the past.

4. with experience from Croatia, but also with your international experience, how you see the position of whistleblowers in Croatia compared to some other part of the world?

Croatia is a highly corrupt country where many people think it’s okay to behave badly if they benefit from it, and they look at whistleblowers as snitches doing something they shouldn’t care about. The international whistleblower protection project in which I participated as a coordinator in Croatia has just been completed. The idea was to allow whistleblowers to report anonymously but neither the mayor nor the director of the public company wanted to use the online platform to report illegalities.

5. You spent a good part of your life in Zagreb, the capital of Croatia. Now you live in a small town in Istria in Croatia. Do you see a difference of the work of journalists, but also of the position of whistleblowers between this two places in Croatia.

There is no significant difference. The biggest difference is that in a small town it is harder to hide an irregularity in work, but people find it harder to choose to be whistleblowers because everyone knows each other and whistleblowers have to meet people every day who are directly or indirectly affected by their actions.

6. Connected to Covid19, now after one and half year of the changes that happened with Covid 19, how transparent were Croatian officials? Did some investigative journalist stories or information from whistleblowers helped that the public in your country is better informed?

Officials in Croatia generally verbally advocate transparency but do not act transparently. More than a dozen ministers and heads of state-owned companies have had to step down in recent years due to journalistic revelations, but authorities continue to claim they are fighting corruption and other illegal behavior. Covid 19 has not changed anything for the better.

7. And how you see the situation connected to Covid 19 and governments in some other countries in this part of Europe?

Like the authorities in Croatia and the authorities in many other countries, they used Covid 19 as an excuse for non-transparent behavior and nationalist populism. It’s not a stimulating environment for whistleblowers.

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2 July 2021: Joint Statement on Journalist and Human Rights Defender Andrei Aliaksandrau

July 3, 2021 disabled comments

Thirteen Organisations Call for the Immediate and Unconditional Release

Index on Censorship and 12 other human rights, freedom of expression, media freedom, and journalists’ organisations unreservedly condemn the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of human rights defender and journalist Andrei Aliaksandrau, who is now facing up to 15 years in prison on baseless charges of “treason to the state”.

Aliaksandrau has long been a defender of freedom of expression in Belarus and beyond, having previously held positions at the Belarusian Association of Journalists, Index on Censorship, and Article 19 among other media and free speech organisations.

Aliaksandrau was detained in January 2021. The Investigative Committee, Belarus’s criminal investigation service, indicted him on public order offences, for which he was facing up to three years in prison. The charges stem from allegations that Aliaksandrau paid the fines of journalists and protesters whom authorities detained during last year’s pro-democracy protests, triggered by the highly disputed August 2020 presidential election. The Belarusian Investigative Committee and other law enforcement agencies wrongly equated this with financing unlawful protests.

On 30 June, Belapan reported that Aliaksandrau has now been charged with “treason to the state” based on the same set of allegations.

“More than €530,000 worth of fines were imposed on protesters between 9 August and the end of 2020. It is absurd to conflate efforts to help pay those fines with a public order offense, let alone treason,” the organisations said.

“Belarusian authorities created a new mark of tyranny by laying treason charges against Aliaksandrou. While we urge the release of all 529 political prisoners currently detained in Belarus, which include at least 15 journalists, we are at this point in time expressing special concern for Aliaksandrau. To date, he is the only detainee facing the fabricated charge of treason.”

“Aliaksandrau has already spent 172 days in prison for his alleged “crime”. We call for his immediate and unconditional release,” the organisations said.

 

Signed by:

Article 19

East European Democratic Centre (EEDC) 

European Centre for Press and Media Freedom

European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)

Free Press Unlimited (FPU)

Human Rights House Foundation (HRHF)

Human Rights Watch

IFEX

Index on Censorship

International Media Support (IMS)

PEN America

Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)

Совместное заявление по поводу журналиста и правозащитника Андрея Александрова

13 организаций призвали немедленно и без всяких условий освободить Александрова

Index on Censorship и еще 12 организаций, которые работают в области прав человека, свободы выражения мнений, свободы СМИ и прав журналистов, безоговорочно осуждают произвольное задержание и судебное давление в отношении правозащитника и журналиста Андрея Александрова, которому в настоящее время грозит до 15 лет лишения свободы по безосновательному обвинению в «измене государству».
Александров известен своей многолетней деятельностью в защиту свободы выражения мнений в Беларуси и за ее пределами. Ранее он работал в Белорусской ассоциации журналистов, Index on Censorship, Article 19 и других организациях, работающих в области СМИ и свободы слова.
Его задержали в январе 2021 года. Следственный комитет РБ предъявил ему обвинение в организации действий, грубо нарушающих общественный порядок, максимальное наказание по которому составляет три года лишения свободы. Александрову вменяется уплата штрафов за журналистов и участников протестов, которых задерживали на митингах и демонстрациях, проходивших по всей стране в прошлом году после объявления крайне спорных итогов августовских президентских выборов. По версии Следственного комитета и других правоохранительных структур, уплата штрафов за протестующих приравнивается к финансированию незаконных протестов.
30 июня агентство БелаПАН сообщило, что Александрову по тем же основаниям предъявлено обвинение в «измене государству».
«С 9 августа до конца 2020 года протестующим были вынесены штрафы в эквиваленте более 530 тысяч евро. Абсурдно приравнивать инициативы по оказанию помощи в уплате этих штрафов к нарушению общественного порядка, тем более – к государственной измене», – заявили 13 организаций.
«Обвинив Александрова в государственной измене, власти Беларуси подняли градус тирании на новую высоту. Настоятельно призывая освободить всех 529 политзаключенных, которые в настоящее время находятся за решеткой (в их числе – как минимум 15 журналистов), мы в данный момент выражаем особую обеспокоенность судьбой Александрова. На сегодняшний день он единственный из задержанных, кому предъявлено сфабрикованное обвинение в госизмене».
«За свою якобы ‘преступную деятельность’ Александров уже провёл под стражей 172 дней. Мы призываем немедленно и без всяких условий освободить его», – заявили 12 организаций.

ПОДПИСАНТЫ
Article 19
East European Democratic Centre (EEDC)
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom
European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
Human Rights House Foundation (HRHF)
Human Rights Watch
IFEX
Index on Censorship
International Media Support (IMS)
PEN America
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)

Egypt: Rights groups call for the release of journalists detained for two years without trial

June 25, 2021 disabled comments

24 June 2021

The undersigned human rights organizations condemn the continued detention of Egyptian journalists Hisham Fouad and Hossam Moanis, who have been held without trial since 25 June, 2019, and call on Egyptian authorities to release them immediately.
Fouad, 52, a labor activist and journalist with the Russian “Sputnik” news agency in Cairo, and Moanis, 38, a journalist for “Al Karama” newspaper and a political activist, were arrested by Egyptian police in their homes at dawn on June 25, 2019, terrorizing their families. They were alleged to be part of a political group known as the Coalition of Hope.
According to Egyptian and international human rights organizations, Fouad, Moanis and others face baseless accusations. This is a common practice under President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, who has regularly targeted human rights defenders, opponents, and critical journalists of various affiliations. Chief among these accusations are participating in a terrorist group and spreading false news on social media with the aim of inciting sedition and overthrowing the regime.
Their detention has been renewed at least 25 times without providing any serious evidence of these accusations. In the course of renewing these charges over the past two years, the prosecution did not present sufficient evidence to even refer the accused to trial.
On June 7, the special court considering the renewal decided to continue Fouad and Moanis’ detention and that of others in the Coalition of Hope case for another 45 days, exceeding the maximum period of pretrial detention stipulated in Article 143 of the Egyptian Criminal Code, which sets it at two years.
The undersigned human rights organizations share the fears of the families and friends of Fouad and Moanis that Egyptian authorities might resort to charging the two journalists in a new case, opening the door to a fresh pretrial detention period of two years. This cruel and illegal practice has been used excessively in recent years to further punish people who share or express dissenting opinions.
Fouad and Moanis have spent two years in pretrial detention in harsh and squalid conditions in the infamous Tora prison. The severity increased due to the outbreak of the Covid-19 epidemic, which in July 2020 killed journalist Mohamed Mounir during his pretrial detention period there.
The two also suffer complications from other diseases, exacerbated by the lack of medical care and treatment, exercise, exposure to the sun and the outside air. They were denied the right to communicate with their families and lawyers. Fouad’s request to pursue higher studies in English translation during his imprisonment was also denied.
International human rights groups have expressed continuing concern about deteriorating conditions of the press and journalists in Egypt during the last eight years. Authorities have tightly controlled the media, jailed scores of journalists without trial, blocked hundreds of local and international news and human rights sites, and passed media legislation that violates international standards for freedom of expression.
As a result, Egypt is consistently ranked among the top three countries globally in terms of the number of journalists imprisoned for doing their job by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) The number of reporters jailed for doing their job and publishing news on social media, or for peacefully opposing the government is estimated at about 27, according to CPJ. In 2020, Egypt ranked 166 out of a total of 180 countries on the Reporters without Borders World Press Freedom Index. It was ranked 127 out of a total of 178 on this index in 2010, immediately prior to the 2011 Egyptian revolution against President Hosni Mubarak’s autocratic rule.
The time is now for Egypt to reverse this trend. We urge Egyptian authorities to immediately release Hisham Fouad and Hossam Moanis and stop all attacks on independent media outlets and journalists in the country.

Signed

·                     Vigilance for Democracy and the Civic State
·                     Afghanistan Journalists Center (AFJC)
·                     Africa Freedom of Information Centre (AFIC)
·                     ARTICLE 19
·                     Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE)
·                     Bytes for All (B4A)
·                     Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
·                     Cartoonists Rights Network International (CRNI)
·                     Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
·                     Global Voices Advox
·                     Independent Journalism Center (IJC)
·                     International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
·                     International Press Centre (IPC)
·                     International Press Institute (IPI)
·                     Maharat Foundation
·                     Mediacentar Sarajevo
·                     Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)
·                     Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)
·                     Media Rights Agenda (MRA)
·                     Media Watch
·                     Pacific Islands News Association (PINA)
·                     Pakistan Press Foundation
·                     PEN Norway
·                     South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
·                     World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC)

Veran Matic 2021

June 10, 2021 disabled comments

Veran Matić (1962) is Chairman of the Commission for investigating killings of journalists in Serbia established in February 2013 on his initiative and supported by the Government of Serbia. He is also founder of RTV B92 and served as the CEO of RTV B92 from its establishment in 1989 until 2019.

Photo from the police investigation immediately after the murder of Milan Pantić: area of the building where Pantic was killed.

Statement of Veran Matić, Chairman of the Commission for investigating the killings of journalists, regarding the murder of journalist Milan Pantić, 20 years later

When I speak about resolving the case of the murdered colleague, journalist Milan Pantić, in this case I find it hard to see the individual as the exclusive executor, and the concrete privatization as a motive for his liquidation. Since 2000s onwards, in all processes of privatization happening in this period of democratic changes, one could see a reflection of the state’s attitude (namely, those of its representatives holding the political power at the time) toward the citizens and society as a whole. Having in mind the predominantly negative undertone of this relation, the question arises whether that particular individual was stronger than the state at the given moment? He was clearly untouchable for that state and that government. A far greater mystery is that he is untouchable even today. He remains untouchable for the present-day state, for the state that established the Commission for investigating the killings of journalists, and therefore the murder of Milan Pantić.

That is something none of us in the Commission can come to terms with.

Should we conduct a journalistic analysis, with all the findings we have so far reached (and as a journalist, I have learned quite a bit about police work throughout this process), it is understandable to some extent how inspectors and police officers reason and how they approach and solve the most difficult cases. Admittedly, until recently I couldn’t either accept or understand that, regardless of so much information and, in my opinion, evidence – some cases (including this one) do not gain a court epilogue, i.e. do not enter court proceeding.

Material evidence is crucial. How to obtain material evidence when you have all the other segments necessary for processing? You are familiar with the motive, you know the instigators and the executors, but you can’t move forward… I have realized that the first contact with a case, or as it is professionally called – crime scene investigation, is one of the most important elements in any case, including this one. How to obtain material evidence after such an, I can freely say, amateur investigation conducted at the time of committed murder of Milan Pantić exactly twenty years ago?

Is it sufficient knowing who secretly followed Milan around the village, few days before the liquidation?
Is it sufficient knowing who was standing in front of murdered Milan’s apartment building, observing and secretly following him, and in the end, carrying out the liquidation itself?
Is it sufficient knowing the motive for the murder of Milan Pantić?
Is it sufficient knowing the name of the person who killed him, the organization, the criminal group that devised it all?
Is it possible that a powerful individual from so-called democratic government at the time, could have sent a fax to the acting judge in Kragujevac, with an order to reach a verdict as directed, so that the hearing is only a confirmation of the message received via fax and its decision, by which the economic giant, of whose privatization colleague Pantić wrote (and which stands for the direct motive for his murder), had been exempted from paying gas bills (worth $ 12 million)?

Is it sufficient if the person in the court proceeding admits to have received money to complete the initiated privatization, to have found swift codes for payment transactions for the mentioned act, damaging the state and that this person remains unconvicted in the end? (On that note, that person refused to be subjected to polygraph testing for taking part in the case of the murder of our colleague Pantić).

Is it sufficient if the acting prosecutor at the time rejects all information related to the case, abolishing all of the participants, thus even the Prosecutor’s Office for Organized Crime cannot, does not want or, for some other reason, is prevented to re-open it, despite additional material evidence submitted in 2013 and acquired from the witness who also testified in the prosecutor’s office?

Yes, what he wrote and what he would have written about the privatization of Cement plant Novi Popovac in Paraćin cost Milan Pantić his life. Had he been aware of the weight of this information, I wonder if he would have written about it, or if he would have hoped his actions could have contribute to the improvement of lives of those workers and region, and ultimately prosperity of Serbia? I think Milan would have written it anyway, perhaps more cautiously, but it would be written and disclosed.

Is it sufficient to identify the killer via the photograph, and the photo robot based on observations of citizens who witnessed his presence at Milan’s apartment building entrance in the evening right before the murder, still without having a court proceedings?

Unfortunately, it must be admitted that despite all these findings, we are standing still and making no progress, still hoping to find a way out of this maze. If I could, I would gladly tell you the names of all actors, but I still hope that a solution will be found for the case to be resolved. Or I, as the Chairman of the Government Commission, will propose a meeting in the upcoming period and submit a final report to the Government, in order to inform the Government of everything we have done so far. In that case, I would leave it to the Government to assess the work of the Commission.

If things remain unchanged, I don’t see what else we could do as a governmental Commission, having in mind we are soon entering the third decade since the killing of Milan Pantić. The presented, logically supported findings are convincing proof that we are close to the goal. Who, why and for what purpose is preventing the initiation of court proceedings and resolution of one of the greatest traumas of our journalism? The answer is being awaited by his family, the media and journalistic community, Serbian society and the international community. The deceased Milan deserves this answer the most, as all he did was doing his job professionally hoping to contribute to the public interest.

Veran Matić, Chairman of the Commission for investigating the killings of journalists
Belgrade, June 10th 2021

Milan Pantić (1954-2001) worked as a journalist for the daily newspaper Večernje Novosti, reporting particularly on crimes and trials from the city of Jagodina. He received telephone threats for articles he had written. He was killed on 11 June 2001 in the morning near the entrance of the building where his apartment was.

Joint call to make respect for press freedom a cornerstone of all demands towards Belarus

June 10, 2021 disabled comments

10 June 2021

The undersigned organisations are calling for the international community to make respect for press freedom a cornerstone of all demands it voices towards Lukashenka’s regime. The hijacking is yet another step in a massive attack on press freedom and should not be treated as a separate incident. Any response from the international community must be seen within the broader context and addressed as such.
Before his arrest, Raman Pratasevich was already on the wanted list for the role his media outlets played in the coverage of Belarus protests. The Telegram channel NEXTA, where he was editor-in-chief, was particularly instrumental in inspiring and maintaining the protest movement. For this, Belarusian courts added NEXTA to a list of banned “extremist materials,” while Pratasevich himself was labeled an “individual involved in extremist activity”. The case of Raman Pratasevich is unfortunately only one incident in the pattern of unspeakable repercussions against the media by the Belarusian authorities.
Since August 2020, there have been more than 550 instances of journalists being arbitrarily detained and they have spent more than 3, 000 days in jail collectively. In an attempt to silence all independent reporting, journalists have frequently been held under administrative arrest for a period of 15-30 days. At the time of writing, 28 journalists and media actors are imprisoned or under some form of detention or arrest, including two TV journalists, Daria Chultsova and Katsiaryna Andreyeva, who were sentenced in February to two years in prison for “organizing activities that violate public order”. On 25 May, seven people, including writer and prominent politician Pavel Seviarynets, blogger Zmitser Kazlou, and editor Iryna Shchasnaya, were sentenced to 4 to 7 years imprisonment.
As emphasized by the UN special rapporteur on Belarus and in the OSCE rapporteur’s report under the Moscow Mechanism, the crackdown against media workers and human rights defenders also constitutes gender-based violence. Sexual violence, including threats of rape, have been reported against these groups – especially in detention centers. There is limited evidence that the authorities intend to launch investigations into these reports. Whilst women have been at the forefront of the protests, there is systematic repression of female opposition leaders, as well as biased, sexist news coverage of their actions. Further, there is a continued trend of threats and deprivation of custodial rights as a way of silencing women protesters.
In the midst of the fallout from the hijacking of the Ryanair flight, on 24 May Lukashenka simultaneously signed new amendments to the Mass Media Law that enable further repression of independent media, and all but outlaw their activities. When the amendments come into effect, the Information Ministry will be authorized to shut down media outlets without a court order. Amendments also include a ban for news media to report live from unauthorized mass gatherings and extends the right to block and censor websites to local prosecutors. Furthermore, authorities have voiced plans to introduce ‘foreign agent’ laws copied from Russia and to punish anyone subscribing to informational resources they label ‘extremist’, in a misuse of vague anti-extremism clauses that has been growing in frequency in Belarus. Pro-government media have also been echoing such labeling in an escalating smear campaign against independent media and opposition voices.
To suppress the free flow of information further, over 20 websites have been blocked, with the biggest portal Tut.by under criminal investigation after their offices and homes of some staff were raided on the morning of 18 May. Their leadership and several staff remain in detention pending trial.
Responding to the events outlined above, therefore, requires a strong commitment to defend the space for media freedom in Belarus. Belarus’ media sector faces an existential threat at a time when news about the grave human rights violations being committed by the Belarusian state is absolutely critical, both for the public’s right to know and to contribute to international efforts to document crimes and hold the regime accountable.
Therefore, in addition to urging the immediate and unconditional release of all detained or imprisoned journalists and media actors, we urge the international community to make respect for press freedom conditional in all its demands towards Lukashenka’s administration. We call on all states to ensure that business does not continue as usual and to exert their influence to cut the economic lifeline of the regime’s authoritarian leadership.
At the same time, we also stress that comprehensive economic sanctions on any country can cause enormous hardship to civilians who are often not responsible for the actions their government takes. The international community has begun imposing sanctions on Belarus over its outrageous act. It must ensure that any additional sanctions it considers imposing are targeted specifically on Belarusian officials and their financial interests, or private entities that actively collaborate with regime officials and their repressive measures, while insulating Belarusian people from any harmful effects. Foreign businesses entering into relationships with Belarusian corporations should undertake enhanced due diligence to ensure that they are not supporting government officials or their actions – in particular, restrictions on individual freedoms, including the right to free expression.
Finally, we also urge increased support to independent media and threatened journalists in Belarus, including through the streamlining of humanitarian and relocation requests, so that they can continue their work safely and effectively. People need access to reliable information, especially during situations of crisis.
In addition, other concrete actions that can be taken by the international community include:
• Call on Belarusian officials to ensure the safety and protection of those exercising their rights to free expression, association and assembly, including those who have been detained, arrested, or charged;
• Further call for accountability for all those responsible for violations of the rights of journalists, activists, cultural figures and others subjected to excessive force, reprisals, torture and ill-treatment;
• Provide support to international accountability efforts, such as the monitoring and investigatory work of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights mandated in HRC resolution 46/20 and the recently announced International Accountability Platform for Belarus;
• Call on European countries neighboring Belarus as well as other supportive governments to improve the asylum procedures for Belarusian journalists, media workers and other dissidents to be able to quickly get to a safe place in the case of immediate danger
• and speak out on further developments related to efforts to criminalize the activities of the above-mentioned groups, including through local CSOs and journalists.

Signed

• IFEX
• ARTICLE 19
• European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
• Free Press Unlimited (FPU)
• Index on Censorship
• Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
• South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
• PEN America
• International Media Support (IMS)

Tunisia: Rights groups call on authorities to safeguard the right to independent public media

April 29, 2021 disabled comments

Journalists hold up signs reading in Arabic “fourth estate, not kneeling estate” and “journalists’ rights are not privileges”, as they demonstrate outside the headquarters of the Tunis Africa Press (TAP) news agency, in Tunis, 15 April 2021, FETHI BELAID/AFP via Getty Images

A number of IFEX members join rights groups in welcoming the Tunisian government’s decision to rescind a controversial appointment to the country’s national news agency, Tunis Africa Press (TAP), and call on those who ordered a police attack on the agency’s journalists during a peaceful sit-in to be held accountable.

The undersigned NGOs welcome the Tunisian government’s decision to withdraw its nomination of a controversial political appointment as director general of the country’s national news agency, Tunis Africa Press (TAP), and express their support to Tunisians’ right to independent public media, committed to ethical journalism. They strongly condemn, however, the 13 April police attack on the headquarters of TAP in Tunis, during which a number of its journalists and employees were assaulted while taking part in a peaceful sit-in.

TAP journalists had been protesting the prime minister’s nomination, which the government officially withdrew on 19 April, allegedly following the “resignation” of its nominee, Kamel Ben Younes. His nomination had prompted a wave of protests among journalists and civil society groups, including denunciation by 39 local NGOs on 8 April 2021.

TAP journalists and employees ended their sit-in following the withdrawal announcement after previously emphasizing in a 6 April press release, their “outright refusal to deal” with Ben Younes as director general, due to his involvement, prior to 2011, in “violations of freedom of expression and of the press, and of union activities, and for political propaganda, benefitting the Ben Ali regime, and his current allegiance to the Ennahdha Islamic party,” which has been in power over the past ten years.

The undersigned organisations consider the police raid on this public media outlet a dangerous precedent, unseen under previous autocratic rulers; and a crime that cannot be tolerated in countries that respect human rights, especially the right to freedom of expression and a free press. They demand that those who ordered the police incursion into the premises of TAP and the assault of its journalists and employees, be brought to justice.

Furthermore, the signatory organisations believe that Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi’s initial decision to appoint journalist Kamel Ben Younes as director general of TAP, succeeding journalist Mouna Mtibaa, who was known for her independence and commitment to ethical journalism, runs counter to recommendations and proposals presented since 2011 that call for public media reform. In addition, public media organisations in Tunisia continue to be governed by laws violating international standards for freedom of expression, dating back to the autocratic regime toppled in 2011.

O
n the other hand, the below organisations express their satisfaction at the government’s announcement made in parallel to its decision regarding the deputy director general of TAP to also withdraw its decision to appoint controversial journalist Hanan Ftouhi as director of Radioo Shems FM, owned prior to 2011 by one of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s daughters.

Regardless of these positive developments, the prime minister’s attempts to make appointments seen as favourable to political allies proves once again, a lack of political will to enhance the quality of pubic media and media expropriated from the family of the previous autocratic ruler, in cooperation with professional and civil society groups that have consistently defended the right to public media free from the grip of political power and financial pressure groups in support of Tunisia’s difficult walk towards democracy.

The undersigned NGOs warn the head of the government against the risk of taking arbitrary decisions, and call on him to stop rewarding political parties that back him by allowing them to exert their undue influence on public media and other State institutions.

We demand the elaboration, in a participatory manner, of objective criteria, based on competence, independence and transparency, in order to end political appointments, likely to turn public media into partisan and government media. Such practices violate the values of pluralism in democratic countries, as well as international standards for Freedom of Expression that the Tunisian government is obligated to uphold.

Signed
Adil Soz – International Foundation for Protection of Freedom of Speech
Africa Freedom of Information Centre (AFIC)
Aliansi Jurnalis Independen/Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI)
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB)
ARTICLE 19
Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE)
Bytes for All (B4A)
Foundation for Press Freedom – FLIP
Globe International Center
Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)
International Press Centre (IPC)
International Press Institute (IPI)
Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)
Media Watch
Pacific Freedom Forum (PFF)
Pacific Islands News Association (PINA)
Pakistan Press Foundation
Palestinian Center for Development and Media Freedoms (MADA)
South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)
Vigilance for Democracy and the Civic State
World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC)
World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers
Association histoire et mémoire commune pour la liberté
Association Attalaki pour la liberté et l’égalité
Association Citoyenneté, Développement, Cultures & Migrations Des Deux Rives
Association de solidarité civique – Tunisie
Association des femmes tunisienne pour la recherche sur le développement
Association Dissonance
Association du droit à la différence
Association Joussour de la Citoyenneté
Association tunisienne de défense des libertés individuelles
Association tunisienne de défense des valeurs universitaires
Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates
Association tunisienne pour la justice et l’égalité
Association Vigilance pour la démocratie et l’Etat civique
Association Wachm
Centre de soutien à la transition démocratique et aux droits de l’homme
Centre de Tunis pour la liberté de la presse
Comité pour le respect des libertés et des droits de l’homme en Tunisie
Euromedrights
Forum Attajdid pour la pensée progressiste
Free Sight Association
Groupe Tawhida Ben Cheikh
Initiative We Exist pour l’égalité
Intersection Association for Rights and Freedoms
L’Association Arts et Cultures des deux Rives
L’Association Tunisienne de l’Action Culturelle
La Fédération des Tunisiens pour une Citoyenneté des deux Rives
La Fondation Hassen Saadaoui pour la démocratie et l’égalité
L’association des Tunisiens en France
L’association L’ART RUE
L’association Perspectives el Amel tounsi
L’association Tunisienne de Prévention positive
Le Comité de Vigilance pour la Démocratie en Tunisie – Belgique
Ligue des électrices tunisiennes
Ligue tunisienne de défense des droits de l’homme
L’union des Tunisiens pour l’Action Citoyenne
No Peace Without Justice association
Observatoire national pour la défense du caractère civil de l’Etat
Organisation 23_10 de Soutien au Processus de la Transition Démocratique
Organisation contre la torture en Tunisie
Organisation Souvenir & fidélité
Syndicat national des journalistes tunisiens
Tunisian forum for youth

Armenien 2021 – by Herbert Maurer, Vienna

April 10, 2021 disabled comments

ARMENIEN UND DIE RECHTEN
in der Götterdämmerung des alpendeutschen Abendlandes
von Herbert Maurer

Die paar abstrusen rechten Gestalten, die da in Corona-Zeiten in Simmering auf und abgehen oder sich am Heldenplatz zusammenrotten, versuchen nach und nach in größeren Zusammenhängen skandierend zu denken. Das „chinesische Virus“ und der Umgang der Regierungen mit der Pandemie sowie den Auswirkungen derselben auf die Volksgesundheit, ist für die eine oder andere Hausfrau mit ihrem biertrinkenden Mann im Schlepptau die Einübung in eine weltpolitische Dimension des rechten Denkens.
So haben es die gescheiteren Gescheiterten unter ihnen, die Intellektuellen der Inneren Partei gerne, auf ihre „Prolos“ (Orwell) ist Verlass. Verschwörungstheorien sind gut für den Kreislauf und bringen das Blut in Wallung. Keine Maske zu tragen, das bedeutet auch mehr Sauerstoff und lässt den Intellekt der Biertrinker zur Hochform auflaufen. Längst ist nicht mehr nur von Vaszinen die Rede, es geht um den bevorstehenden Untergang des Abendlandes. Unter Anleitung der Vordenker der Inneren Partei (Orwell) erweitert sich der Horizont über Simmering hinaus bis in den Kaukasus, einer der letzten Bastionen des christlichen Abendlandes, bedroht und belagert von türkischen Horden und Islamisten Söldnertrupps.

Trauriger Kulturkampf

Diese martialische Definition von Kulturkampf trifft vor allem auf das traurige Schicksal der Armenier zu, der ersten christlichen Nation der Welt. Diese befinden sich tatsächlich in einem Kulturkampf, weil es um die Rettung ihrer Existenz geht, um die Bewahrung ihrer Kultur, die jedoch – und hier irren die Rechtsradikalen aus Simmering – eben nicht martialisch ist, sondern christlichen Traditionen wie Toleranz oder menschenfreundlicher Intelligenz geprägt ist, den Tugenden und Werten der „Weicheier“, wie die Retter des Abendlandes im fernen, Corona-geknechteten „Altreich“ konstatieren. Bisher ist es für die Armenier im aktuellen Karabach-Konflikt tatsächlich blöd gelaufen, was hatten die Nachfahren des sagenumwobenen Stammvaters „Hayk“, der älter ist als jeder „Tuisco“ oder cheruskische Hermann den islamistischen Horden auch schon entgegenzusetzen? Ausgerechnet von den Russen, diesem minderwertigen slawischen Volk mussten sie sich retten lassen. Für die österreichischen Rechten, ob für die Prolos oder die Mitglieder der Inneren Partei ist das naturgemäß ein Skandal und ein weiterer Hinweis auf den Untergang des Abendlandes, der nicht mehr nur bevorsteht, sondern längst im Gange ist – groteskerweise haben sich jetzt auch ein paar fundamentalistische Opus-Dei-Jünger und konservative Anthroposophen hinzugesellt. Derselben Meinung sind sogar die von den arischen Rechten unter ihre Fittiche genommenen Kleinslawen (Tschechen, Polen etc.), die ja auch ihre Probleme mit den großslawischen Russen hatten und haben und als nationale Entität ebenso kleindimensioniert sind wie die Armenier, die am äußersten Rand, an der vordersten Front des untergehenden Abendlandes gerade noch existieren. So ist der Existenzkampf der ur- oder proto-arischen Armenier ein Fanal und exemplarisch für die rechtsintellektuellen Internationalisten unter den hanebüchenen und viel zu kurz zum Beispiel gegen Kanzler Kurz denkenden Simmeringer Prolos.

Die Feinde der Feinde

Der Feind des Abendlandes ist eben nicht ein scheinheiliger christlich-sozialer Bundeskanzler mitten im Stimmbruch (O-Ton in Burschenschafterkreisen), der Feind, in größeren Dimensionen gedacht, ist der menschen- und kulturverachtende Islamismus. Schön und gut, das mag wohl stimmen der islamistische Stumpfsinn ist ja im wahrsten Sinn des Wortes tödlich. Was aber wird von den rechten Recken oder den listigeren Denksportlern und Rhetorik-Freaks als Alternative angeboten? Offizielle Vertreter der AfD bieten den Armeniern Söldnerkontingente an und beteiligen sich an der chauvinistischen Aufrüstung der vom Christentum verweichlichten Blutsbrüder im heiligen „Haystan“, dem Land des Hayk. Der Vorteil ist, und das beruhigt auch die Prolos in Simmering, dass ihre Führer und Vordenker, selbst die aus kleinslawischem Geblüt (Hojac, Nawratil und wie sie alle heißen) immer recht haben, und das kommt ja, gemäß dem Hausfrauenverstand der Corona-Revoluzzer, von „Rechts“. Hinzu kommt, fast nebenbei, dass man mit dem Stichwort „Türkenbelagerung“ bei den Armeniern in offenen Wunden rührt. Somit können Sie sich der ritterlichen Faschisten oder Austrofaschisten kaum erwehren, die sie nach ihrer Facon retten wollen.

Stolz und Witz

Bevor diese rassistischen, zum Teil mafiosen Strömungen höhere Wellen zu schlagen begonnen hatten, in der ersten Zeit der von der Sowjetunion unabhängig gewordenen Republik ab 1990, hatte eine ausgleichende Nachbarschaftspolitik auf vernünftiger wirtschaftspolitischer Basis für Armenier in dieser sensiblen Kaukasus-Region ganz gut zu funktionieren begonnen. Die deutschen Kreuzritter mit ihrer Simmeringer Rhetorik kippen aber dann doch – „Gott sei Dank“ – und „sub specie aeterntatis“ oft wieder ins Lächerliche und fallen immer wieder von ihren deutschen Hengsten und Stuten im Trachtenanzug, das bleibt auch weiterhin zu hoffen, um ein Mindestmaß an Zivilisation und Menschenverstand am Leben zu erhalten. Die Armenier haben schon vieles mit dem ihnen eigenen Stolz und Witz überlebt, hoffentlich auch den Ansturm des ritterlichen Stumpfsinns aus dem christlichen Abendland. Immerhin gehört die Heilige Corona als Patronin des Geldes, der Metzger und Schatzgräber ja der ganzen Christenheit.

HERBERT MAURER
geboren 1965 in Wien, studierte Sprachwissenschaften in Venedig, Köln, Bilbao, Jerusalem und Jerevan. Seine Romane, Gedichte, Theaterstücke, Essays und Übersetzungen sind in deutschen, österreichischen und armenischen Verlagen erschienen. Maurer arbeitet auch für Zeitschriften (LETTRE, Die Presse, Wiener Zeitung, Lichtungen, Literatur und Kritik, INTERNATIONAL etc.) sowie fürs Radio und als Dolmetscher, Vortragender und Moderator. Er wurde mit dem Rheingau-Literaturpreis ausgezeichnet und ist Träger der Franz-Werfel-Medaille.
Eine kurze Werkauswahl:
Gnädige Frau oder die Kunst des Tiefschlafs (Erzählungen, Wieser)
Ein Rabenflug (Roman, Wieser)
Venetia (Erzählungen, Eichborn)
Beata, Beatae … (Gedichte, Thanhäuser)
Pannonias Zunge (Roman, Berlin Verlag)
Bitte Regen (neue armenische Literatur, Wieser)
Und Gott spricht Armenisch (Essays, Klever)
Über den Tod (Essays, Ibera)
Byron schwimmt … (Roman, Klever)
Lebendig Sein (mit Martin Salzer) … (Ibera-Verlag)
Himmlisch trauern (B&B – Verlag)
Ästhetik des Abstands (Sonderzahl – demnächst)
www.herbertmaurer.at

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Press freedom groups condemn confirmed conviction of Montenegrin investigative journalist

March 31, 2021 disabled comments

The South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO) joins leading press freedom and journalists’ organisations in strongly condemning the decision by the Court of Appeals to reject Jovo Martinović’s appeal and uphold the first instance verdict of the High Court in Podgorica which convicted Martinovic to 12 months of prison.


While he will not be imprisoned due to time already spent behind bars, Jovo Martinović will have a criminal record, solely due to his journalism. The undersigned organisations condemn the verdict and regret that the Court of Appeals has not seized the opportunity to acquit the internationally awarded journalist and send a message of support to investigative journalism in Montenegro.

Martinović was convicted for violating the Criminal Code of Montenegro relating to the creation of a criminal organisation, as well as illicit production, possession and distribution of narcotics. While he did set up a meeting with defendants over the filming of smuggled weapons in France, he did so for journalistic purposes. We believe that throughout the detention and subsequent trial, his rights to a fair trial have been violated. Prior to his arrest on 22 October 2015, Martinović had already been held in custody for almost 15 months before being finally freed, provisionally.

A retrial formally began on 2 December 2019 and on 8 October 2020, the High Court of Montenegro sentenced Martinović to one year in prison for participating in drug trafficking. He was acquitted on charges for membership in a criminal organization. Yesterday, while Martinović’s appeal was rejected, an appeal brought by the state calling for these charges to be reinstated was also rejected. This offers little solace either to Jovo Martinović or other investigative journalists who can read the ongoing judicial persecution as an attempt to dissuade and chill reporting of corruption and organised crime in Montenegro. Investigative journalism is not a crime and should not be treated as such by the Montenegrin authorities.

In 2019, the Court of Appeals returned the case against Jovo for a retrial precisely due to lack of evidence against the journalist. The undersigned organisations highlight the continued absence of evidence that would justify a conviction. This further highlights a fundamental flaw in yesterday’s verdict. While Jovo Martinović will not be imprisoned, this politically motivated judicial persecution is an attack on investigative journalism and a damning indictment of media freedom in Montenegro.

There remain few precedents for this level of judicial persecution aimed at an investigative journalist in the Balkans and Europe more broadly and highlights a significant failure for the rule of law, which remains important as Montenegro is seeking ascension to the European Union. In a 2020 report, the European Commission, highlighted that while there are legal guarantees in place to protect judicial independence, the system is still “vulnerable to political interference”. To ensure this situation does not continue and to build trust in the judicial system, these guarantees need to be strengthened as a priority.

The undersigned organisations condemn the Court of Appeals’ verdict and stand in solidarity with Jovo Martinović and all investigative journalists in Montenegro. We call on Montenegrin authorities and courts to work in line with their commitment to media freedom and European standards, as part of their commitment to the ascension process for the European Union, to ensure Martinović is not further criminalised or persecuted for his journalism.

Signed:
ARTICLE 19
Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG)
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF)
European Federation of Journalists (EFJ)
Free Press Unlimited
International Press Institute (IPI)
OBC Transeuropa
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO)
Trade Union of Media of Montenegro